The Migrants' Dilemma

  • Barnali Dutta / FG
  • India
  • Aug 29, 2014

 

 

The hundreds of multi-storeyed residential complexes skirting as far as the horizon and an equal number of corporate houses functioning from skyscrapers, numerous malls with multiplexes and the metro train links, have indeed enhanced the overall QLI (Quality of Life Index) of Gurgaon, earning it the Millennium City epithet. Such has been the progressive saga of this satellite city to the national capital over the past two decades that it would impress any visitor. However, this scenario doesn’t depict the true picture of Gurgaon, since it eclipses the prevailing darker side. Alas, the other side of this coin belies the bright picture projected to an onlooker and is laden with shocking facts and figures of the marginalised society residing in ghettoes. In contrast to the rest of the much-acclaimed Gurgaon and Gurgaonites, the families here live in hovels of narrow lanes amid filth and lack of basic civic amenities – forget education facilities for the children and primary health-care for all.

There are certain reasons for such a pathetic state of affairs in these slum areas, which happen to be the ‘abodes’ for both unskilled and partly-skilled workers like maids, domestic helps, cooks, drivers, security guards, sweepers and peons catering to the needs of the families in the residential flats as well as offices of the majority of the corporate houses located in swanky buildings. Apart from them, there are also thousands of daily-wage earners such as masons, ragpickers, kabadiwalas (scrap dealers), vegetable and fruit vendors and cycle rickshaw drivers, who have sought shelter here. They have been compelled to reside here, since they cannot afford the high rentals elsewhere in Gurgaon - including the villages within and skirting the City. By and large, almost all the inhabitants of these slums are migrants from other parts of India. Driven by poverty and due to the absence of other job opportunities, these migrant families live here at the mercy of both the landlords and the slumlords. There is reportedly no lease agreement in place, and if any question is raised the simple answer from the owner is ‘khali karo’ (vacate the premises). Dharam Pal, a landlord, justifies his stance by saying, “These people may stay at my place for just a couple of months and then move elsewhere where their work takes them. Hence it is futile to have any lease document or issue them receipts.” A random survey by FG reveals some answers as to how and why this marginalised society is compelled to endure such a life. For instance, in the couple of villages in the vicinity of Sikanderpur, almost all the families living in the slums here don’t possess ‘valid’ documents – like a ration card, a ‘Seshan’ card (photographic ID proof that was mooted by the then Chief Election Commissioner, T.N Seshan, for eligible voters in the early 90s) or the recently introduced Aadhar card. These are the official records that lend authenticity to one’s citizenship, particularly for those hailing from BPL (Below Poverty Line) and EWS (Economically Weaker Section) families. Some of the migrants do possess these documents, but as residents of their native places, located far away in states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan and West Bengal. 

 

 

Commenting on this scenario, RTI activist Harinder Dhingra says, “Gurgaon has witnessed a tremendous rise in ‘illegal’ migration. Most of the migrants are basically poor and hail from Bangladesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa and eastern parts of Uttar Pradesh, and their population is in the range of two lakhs.”  To supplement his views, he cites a detailed publication titled ‘Exploring Rural-Urban Dynamics - A Study of Inter-State Migrants in Gurgaon (2014)’, which was based on a sample survey of 200 migrant workers in the garment, construction and auto parts sectors, and also among domestic workers and self-employed migrants. Migrants from five districts in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand – namely rural Kanpur, Gorakhpur, Nalanda, Nawada and Hazaribagh - were selected for the purpose of this study, given their predominance among migrants in Gurgaon. 81 per cent of the respondents were male workers and 78 per cent were married. Among the respondents, 80 per cent belonged to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) group, 14 per cent belonged to the Scheduled Caste (SC) group and 4 per cent belonged to the Scheduled Tribes (ST). This Survey, conducted by the Society for Labour and Development and sponsored by Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, found that most respondents migrated to Gurgaon in order to escape unemployment in their villages. A lack of address proof was a key commonality among them. They therefore could not avail subsidised items like rice, wheat, sugar and cooking gas, for which a ration card is mandatory. On this aspect, Harish, a resident for the past one decade and working as a sweeper, recalls, “I hail from Bihar and my Voter ID is registered at my native place. Thus at times I feel like a fish out of water, with no identity whatsoever. As and when I approach the officials at the ‘daftar’ to issue me a fresh Voter ID card in place of my existing card, they contend that the residential status can’t be interchanged. So what can I do?” When FG elicited reaction from the authorities, an official noted, “We are not empowered to dole out the Voter ID cards just because of a disgruntled voice. The fact is that most of these migrants don’t want to surrender their present cards issued to them at their native villages, but try to capitalise on the situation for dual benefits. Still, a good percentage of them have managed to obtain Aadhar cards; and when it comes to voting rights, we can’t go on knocking at each door to ascertain whether the occupant is entitled to cast his or her vote. The regional office of the Election Commission must review this drawback for remedial measures and update the electoral rolls.” Dhingra adds, “In the absence of valid proofs of identity, the children of these migrants have become the victims, since this future generation is being deprived of basic education, which should be their right as per the Right to Education Act.” He also highlights the dearth of healthcare, by pointing out that the nearest medical help available to these migrants is the Civil Hospital, where more often than not the essential medicines are unavailable. Even the free medical treatment for BPL/EWS families, which are supposed to be rendered by the private hospitals, is not available, courtesy the State government’s ruling that such an entitlement is solely for the families of Haryana domiciles.

But every dark cloud has a silver lining. It is heartening that certain NGOs have come forth to lessen the problems of these migrant families. For instance, Jeevan Sadhana Charitable Trust has undertaken a two-pronged noble task of rendering healthcare as well as primary education in Ghonsi village near Sikanderpur. A charitable dispensary functions during the weekdays, where qualified doctors attend to the ailing and medicines are distributed free of cost. Besides, this Trust has been hosting health camps on specified days for the BPL and EWS families. In the educational sphere, the deserving students, identified as Aravali Scholars, are extended assistance even upto the graduate and post-graduate levels. In addition to these two projects, this Trust has endeavoured to obtain Voter ID and Aadhar cards for the migrant labour class families. One of its founder members, Prabhat Agarwal, says, “We must appreciate these residents’ hardships. They should be enrolled in the voters’ list, which is one of the fundamental rights of every adult citizen. Of course political parties and the respective leaders have their own vote banks during the polls and so the migrants may or may not matter. There are hundreds of labourers working here for the past 15 years, but they have no rights in the election of local representatives – either to the Parliament, State Legislature or even the civic bodies.” 


The central government has enacted numerous schemes for the benefit of ‘urban villages’, including for the homeless and pavement dwellers, under the Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY). How far RAY and Rashtriya Swast Bima Yojana will beam their progressive rays on the migrants of Gurgaon is anybody’s guess.


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